Ciwakan Kurden Gallerê

09/05/2026

Kürdistanīn Geleceğini Kürtler Belirler

Kürt halkının kaderi ne emperyalist güçlerin stratejik hesaplarına ne de bölgesel diktatörlüklerin çıkar savaşlarına teslim edilebilir. Bizler ne Amerika’nın Ortadoğu üzerindeki hegemonik planlarının bir aparatı olacağız ne de Kürt halkının tarihsel varlığını inkâr eden İran rejiminin siyasal oyunlarına göre yön tayin edeceğiz.

Çünkü Kürdistan meselesi, büyük devletlerin çıkar çatışmaları içinde pazarlık konusu yapılacak bir mesele değildir. Kürdistan meselesi; bir halkın varoluş, özgürlük ve kendi kaderini tayin etme meselesidir.

Yüzyıllardır dört parçaya bölünmüş Kürt halkı; işgal, inkâr, asimilasyon, katliam ve sürgün politikalarına rağmen kimliğini, dilini ve direniş ruhunu korumayı başarmıştır. Bugün bize düşen görev, geçmişin acılarından ders çıkararak ulusal iradeyi bağımsız bir siyasal çizgide örgütlemektir.

Hiçbir emperyal güç Kürt halkının özgürlüğünü karşılıksız savunmaz. Hiçbir bölgesel rejim Kürtlerin özgürlüğünü gönüllü olarak kabul etmez. Bu yüzden Kürt halkının kurtuluş yolu; dış güçlere bağımlı siyasetlerde değil, kendi öz gücüne, ulusal birliğine ve devrimci iradesine dayanmaktadır.

Bağımsız Kürdistan perspektifi; sadece coğrafi bir devlet hedefi değildir. Aynı zamanda siyasal özgürlüğün, kültürel dirilişin, toplumsal adaletin ve ulusal onurun yeniden inşasıdır. Çünkü bağımsızlık yalnızca sınır çizmek değil; halkın iradesini özgürleştirmek, kendi geleceğini kendi elleriyle kurabilmesidir.

Bugün Kürt halkının en büyük ihtiyacı; parçacı çıkarları aşan ortak bir ulusal bilinçtir. Aşiretçi, mezhepçi, bölgesel ve dışa bağımlı siyaset anlayışları Kürdistan davasını zayıflatmaktadır. Oysa ihtiyaç duyulan şey; tüm Kürtleri ortak bir ulusal hedef etrafında birleştiren özgürlükçü ve bağımsız bir mücadele hattıdır.

Bizler Kürdistan’ın geleceğini Washington’da, Tahran’da, Ankara’da ya da başka başkentlerde yazdırmayacağız. Kürdistan’ın geleceği Amed’de, Hewlêr’de, Mahabad’da, Qamişlo’da ve Kürt halkının direniş iradesinde şekillenecektir.

Kürt halkı artık başkalarının savaşlarında kullanılan bir güç değil, kendi geleceğini belirleyen tarihsel bir özne olmak zorundadır. Çünkü özgürlük dilenilmez, örgütlenerek kazanılır. Ve bağımsızlık; ancak halkın kendi ulusal iradesine güvenmesiyle mümkün olur.

Ya özgür bir Kürdistan iradesi yükselecek ya da halkımız sürekli başka güçlerin çıkar hesaplarında tüketilecektir. Bu nedenle bugün en büyük görev; ulusal birlik, siyasal bilinç ve bağımsızlık hedefi etrafında ortak bir mücadeleyi büyütmektir.

Kürdistan’ın kurtuluşu; ne emperyalizmin lütfuyla ne de diktatör rejimlerin merhametiyle gelecektir. Kürdistan’ın kurtuluşu, yalnızca Kürt halkının örgütlü iradesiyle mümkün olacaktır.

13/03/2026

01/02/2026

Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham’s attacks against Kurds in and around Aleppo, carried out with the open backing of the Turkish state, were not a conventional “clash.” They were a direct show of force aimed at our very existence.

This move was not directed at any armed group, but at Kurdish existence itself. Because the reality on the ground is clear: wherever Kurds institutionalize, wherever they begin to govern themselves, that place is inevitably targeted for suppression. For these two barbaric, fascistic nation- and ummah-centric political mindsets, the disappearance of the Kurds is considered preferable.

This is no coincidence. Embedded in the historical codes of both Turkish and Arab fascistic, massacrist political thinking lies a shared reflex: the centralized state is sacred, difference is dangerous, and plurality is seen as a threat of division.

That is why the Kurdish question has never been, for them, a matter of rights or equality. It has always been a matter of control.

The survival of the state, border security, the unity of the ummah — these concepts are constantly repeated. Yet in practice, the only consistent outcome has been the repression and erasure of the Kurds.

But here, a social reality has emerged that many fail to see.
As repression increased, Kurds did not weaken — on the contrary, they developed a shared consciousness.

Because Kurdish society, unlike many others, did not grow by leaning on a state. It was not shaped by schools, official ideology, or centralized institutions. Instead, it learned to survive in statelessness, under fascist bans, across fragmented geographies.

Family, tribe, local memory, language, and culture in other words, horizontal ties became the true glue of Kurdish society.
That is why every wave of pressure hardened identity rather than dissolving it.

For a people without a state, the strongest institution is memory.
And when memory is constantly fed by trauma, that people does not scatter — it becomes more stubborn, more resilient.

The picture that emerged after the Aleppo attack was exactly this.
Under normal circumstances, one would not expect a people living under four different state borders to react so quickly, so simultaneously, and so emotionally. Sociology tells us that communities living under different regimes gradually drift apart. Different education systems, languages, and agendas weaken identity bonds.

But among Kurds, the opposite happened.
Bakur, Başûr, Rojava, Rojhilat…
The geographies did not diverge; they converged around a shared sense of fate.

Because for Kurds, borders are political — but the threat is common.
An attack in Aleppo feels personal in Diyarbakır.
Repression in Mahabad turns into anger in Hewlêr.

This is no longer ideological it is a social reflex.
This unity was not created by organizations, parties, or leaders; it arose from below, from the instincts of the people themselves.

This is historically new.
In the past, Kurds tended to think locally. Each region focused on its own problems. Today, however, a collective “Kurdish public opinion” has formed. Through social media, migration, cultural interaction, and shared traumas, the psychological borders between regions have eroded.

Kurdish identity is no longer local — it is producing a national consciousness.
States interpret this as a military issue.
But it is a matter of consciousness.
And consciousness cannot be crushed by soldiers.
Because the more identity is suppressed, the more visible it becomes.

The Kurdish nationalism emerging today is not an aggressive or expansionist one in the classical sense; it is a defensive sociological reflex. Before the idea of “taking land,” there is the idea of “surviving.” It is a collective instinct for self-preservation born out of denial and erasure.

So this is not a romantic dream of independence — it is a historical necessity.
Kurds now see clearly:
An identity left to the mercy of others has no future.

Rights are not given; they are taken.
Equality cannot be built with those who refuse to recognize you.
A society that lives under constant threat will eventually seek to determine its own destiny.

This was the real rupture created by the massacre in Aleppo.
Perhaps for the first time, such a broad segment of society thought:

“We will not be safe within this system.”
And for a people, the most radical transformation begins precisely with that realization.
Because fear scatters
but a shared threat unites.

The unity forming within Kurdish society today is not a political slogan; it is a sociological reality. More powerful than the maps drawn by murderous states are the maps of belonging drawn in people’s minds.

And that map is now whole.
This is no longer merely a conflict or a temporary crisis.
This is a threshold moment a point at which the Kurds have decided to become subjects of history rather than its objects.
And when a people decides to become a subject of history, turning them back to their former state becomes almost impossible.

30/01/2026

ئێدی کاتی ئەوە تێپەڕیوە کە وشەکان بخەمێنین و بچرخێنین، ڕاستییەکان نەرمت بکەین، یان بە ناوی ڕێزگرتن لە سنووری کەسانی دیکەدا هەبوونی خۆمان بشارینەوە. بۆ گەلی کورد، مێژوو جارێکی دیکە بە ڕوونی و ئاشکرایی قسە دەکات: یان بە یەکگرتوویی ئازاد دەبین، یان بە پەرتوپەرتی دەمێنینەوە و هەمیشە قەیرانەکانی کەسانی دیکە بەڕێوە دەبەین. ڕێگای سێیەم نییە.

ڕۆژئاوا ئەم ڕاستییەیە کە بووەتە گوشت و ئێسک. ئەو تەنها ناوچەیەک نییە؛ مانیفێستۆی فێعلیی ئیرادەی سەربەخۆیی کوردستانە. لە نێوان هەژاری، دانپێنانەوە و گەمارۆدا هاتە دەرەوە و پیشانی دا کە گەل دەتوانێت خۆی بە خۆی بەڕێوە ببە، خۆی بپارێزێت و ئەگەر پێویست بوو بەدانانی قوربانی لەسەر پێ بێستێت. بۆیە ڕۆژئاوا بووەتە ئامانج. بۆیە هەوڵ دەدرێت بخرێتە ژێر هێلکە.

با ئێدی بە ئاشکرایی قسە بکەین: هیچ دەوڵەتێک یەکسانیی کوردان ناتەوێت. هیچ هێزێکی هەرێمی ئازادیی کوردان قبوڵ ناکات. جارێک وەک “هاوپەیمان”، جارێک وەک “ئامرازێکی هاوسەنگی”، جارێکیش وەک “مەترسی” ناومان دەهێنن؛ بەڵام هەرگیز وەک نەتەوە نادێندرێن. چونکە کوردستانێکی سەربەخۆ واتە داڕمانی تەواوی سیستەمی کۆلۆنیالی ڕۆژهەڵاتی ناوەڕاست.

لەبەر ئەوە، جیاکردنەوەی نێوان پارچەکان ئێدی بووەتە بارێکی مێژوویی. ڕۆژئاوا، باکور، باشوور و ڕۆژهەڵات جێگرەوەی یەکدی نین، بەڵکو تەواوکەری یەکدین. هەر دەستکەوتێک لە پارچەیەکدا، بیمەی پارچەکانی دیکەیە. هەر هەنگاوێکی دواگەڕان لە پارچەیەکدا، لە هەموو کوردستاندا زنجیرەیەکی زیان دروست دەکات. کوردستان ئێدی پێویستە نەک تەنها لەسەر نەخشە، بەڵکو لە هۆشیاریی گەلدا یەکبگرێت.

ئەوانەی هەوڵ دەدەن دیوار لە نێوان پێشمەرگە و YPG دروست بکەن، با بزانن کە لە بیر و یادەوەریی ئەم گەلەدا ئەو دیوارانە زۆر پێشتر داڕووخراون. یەکێک لە شاخدا، یەکێک لە دشتدا؛ یەکێک لە ناو سنوور، یەکێک لە سەرەتای ئاوارەیی… هەموویان ئەندامە جیاوازەکانی یەک جەستەی نەتەوەیین. چەکی کورد نابێت بۆ کورد ڕابکێشرێت. هێزی کورد نابێت دژ بە کورد بکەوێتە بازاڕی مامەڵە.

کوردستانی سەربەخۆ خەیاڵ نییە. خەیاڵ ئەوەیە کە چوار دەوڵەت بتوانن کوردان بۆ هەتا هەتایە بنکەن. گەلێک کە بە ملیۆنان هەستاوە، ژنان لە پێشەنگیدان، منداڵەکانی بە ئاڵا پەروەردە دەکات، ئەو گەلە وەستاندن ناتوانرێت. تەنها دەتوانرێت دوا بخەیەنرێت. و ئێمە ئێدی دواخستن قبوڵ ناکەین.

کوردستانی لە ئاوارەییدا جێگیر بووەش بەشێکی بنچینەییی ئەم تێکۆشانەیە. ئەوانەی لە شەقامەکانی ئەورووپا، لە مەیدانەکانی ئەمریکا، لە سەرمای کانەدا ڕادەستن، تەنها خۆپیشاندان ناکەن؛ بەڵکو ئیرادەی نەتەوەیی بۆ جیهان دەهێنن. کوردستان ئەمڕۆ گەورەترە لەوەی تەنها لە جغرافیایەکدا سنووردار بکرێت.

لەبەر ئەوە بانگمان ڕوونە:
کۆتایی هێنان بە تێکچوونی نێوان کوردان.
کۆتایی هێنان بە سیاسەتی پەرتوپەرت.
کۆتایی هێنان بە شوێنکەوتن بە پێی ئەجەندای کەسانی دیکە.

کوردستانی سەربەخۆ تەنها بە هەڵوێستێکی نەتەوەییی یەکگرتوو دەتوانرێت. ئەم هەڵوێستە نابێت بسپێردرێت بە هیچ پارتێک، هیچ خێزانێک، یان هیچ هاوپەیمانییەکی کاتی. ئەم هەڵوێستە هەڵوێستی گەلە؛ هەڵوێستی فیداییانە، ژنانی بەرەنگاربوو، گوندیاری هەژار بەڵام بەشەرفە.

ڕۆژئاوا بە بەرەنگاربوون ڕێگاکەی کردەوە.
ئێستا تەواوکردنی ئەم ڕێگایە ئەرکی هەموو کوردستانە.

30/01/2026

The time for twisting words, softening the truth, and trying to exist by carefully respecting the boundaries imposed by others is over. For the Kurdish people, history is once again clear and unmistakable: either we unite and achieve freedom, or we remain fragmented and continue managing the crises of others. There is no third path.

Rojava is the living embodiment of this truth. It is not merely a region; it is the de facto manifesto of Kurdistan’s will for independence. It has proven that a people emerging from poverty, denial, and siege can govern themselves, defend themselves, and, if necessary, survive by paying the price. That is why Rojava has been targeted. That is why it has been suffocated.

Let us speak plainly: no state wants Kurdish equality. No regional power accepts Kurdish freedom. Sometimes they call us “allies,” sometimes a “balancing force,” sometimes a “threat”—but never a nation. Because an independent Kurdistan would mean the collapse of the entire colonial order in the Middle East.

For this reason, divisions between the different parts of Kurdistan have become a historical burden. Rojava, Bakur, Başûr, and Rojhilat are not alternatives to one another; they are complementary. Every gain achieved in one part is insurance for the others. Every retreat in one part triggers a chain of losses across all of Kurdistan. Kurdistan must now unite not only on the map, but in the consciousness of its people.

Those who try to build walls between the Peshmerga and the YPG should know this: in the memory of this people, those walls have already been torn down. One in the mountains, one on the plains; one within borders, one in exile… all are different limbs of the same national body. A Kurdish weapon cannot be aimed at a Kurd. Kurdish power cannot be used as a bargaining chip against Kurds.

An independent Kurdistan is not a dream. The real fantasy is believing that four states can suppress the Kurds forever. A people who have risen by the millions, whose women march at the front, who raise their children wrapped in flags—such a people cannot be stopped. They can only be delayed. And we no longer accept delay.

Kurdistan in exile is also an essential part of this struggle. Those marching in the streets of Europe, the squares of America, and the frozen landscapes of Canada are not merely protesting; they are carrying national will to the world. Kurdistan today has grown too large to be confined to a single geography.

Therefore, our call is clear:
An end to intra-Kurdish confrontation.
An end to fragmented politics.
An end to positioning ourselves according to others’ agendas.

An independent Kurdistan is only possible through a united national stance. This stance cannot be handed over to a party, a family, or temporary alliances. It belongs to the people—to the fedayeen, to the resisting women, to the poor but dignified villagers.

Rojava opened the path through resistance.
Now completing this path is the responsibility of all Kurdistan.

30/01/2026

Urge US senators to support Lindsey Graham's Save the Kurds Act